Two years after Yuri Gagarin became the
first human to venture into space, the U.N. General Assembly adopted the
‘Declaration of Legal Principles Governing the Activities of States in the
Exploration and Use of Outer Space.’ It recognized “the common interest of all
mankind in the progress of the exploration and use of outer space for peaceful
purposes.” These ideals were enshrined in an international treaty called the
Outer Space Treaty that was adopted in December 1966 and which entered into
force a year later.
The Outer Space Treaty represents the
basic legal framework of international space law and, among its principles, it
bars States Parties to the Treaty from placing nuclear weapons or any other
weapons of mass destruction in orbit of Earth, installing them on the Moon or
any other celestial body, or to otherwise station them in outer space. It
exclusively limits the use of the Moon and other celestial bodies to peaceful
purposes and expressly prohibits their use for testing weapons of any kind,
conducting military manoeuvers, or establishing military bases, installations,
and fortifications (Art.IV). Moreover, it explicitly forbids any government
from claiming a celestial resource such as the Moon or a planet. Art. II of the
Treaty states that “outer space, including the moon and other celestial bodies,
is not subject to national appropriation by claim of sovereignty, by means of
use or occupation, or by any other means.”
Nevertheless, the treaty is
driven by loopholes. It is not clear, for instance, where air space (over which
countries have national sovereignty) end and space, which is open to all
nations, begins. The treaty makes no effort to specify what ought and ought not
to be considered “peaceful purposes” in space or define a space weapon.
Human endeavours in space are often
intrinsically dual-purpose. Early satellites and the first human space
travellers journeyed aboard powerful rockets that were initially developed by
the Soviet Union and the U.S. to lob nuclear warheads at
one another. High-resolution space imageries of the sort now freely available
from Google Earth over the Internet were once only produced by spy satellites.
Communication satellites that employ much the same technology as the ones that
beam TV programmes, relay large quantities of data and carry telephone
conversations are an increasingly important part of the war machinery of many
countries.
In the absence of definitions laid down
in international law, the use of space for military purposes has ballooned,
with possibly dangerous consequences. These days, “peaceful” use of outer space
is often taken to denote only a “non-aggressive” purpose and even that
conceptual distinction may not long endure.
The use of satellites to support
conventional warfare has grown dramatically. The U.S. demonstrated
the effectiveness of this strategy in the first Gulf War of 1991 and space has
played an important part in U.S. military operations
in Afghanistan and Iraq in recent years. It is a lesson
that other countries have no doubt taken to heart.
But the resulting dependence on space
assets inevitably raises concerns of protecting those vital satellites. It also
sets off ideas of trying to blunt an opponent’s military capabilities by
temporarily or permanently disabling their access to satellites.
The U.S. and the Soviet
Union tested a range of anti-satellite (ASAT) weaponry during their Cold
War stand-off, including hit-to-kill devices carried by missiles. More
recently, China destroyed one of its aging weather satellites with an
impactor launched by a missile in January 2007. The U.S. responded by blowing
up one of its dying spy satellites in February last year with a modified
version of a missile interceptor developed for ballistic missile defence.
Besides, more and more countries are
developing space capabilities of one kind or another. Given the dual-use
possibilities, such capability can also mean the option to turn space into
another theatre of war. Bilateral arms treaties between the U.S. and
the Soviet Union at least provided a measure of stability in that
they forbade attacking each other’s key military satellites. But these treaties
do not apply to the new players.
An internationally-binding agreement to
strengthen the Outer Space Treaty is therefore both desirable and increasingly
a necessity. The obvious forum for that would the U.N.
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